Folks, it’s election season! Elections bring speeches, slogans, manifestos - all which hold a long list of bold promises. These electoral promises are not random. They are designed to persuade, mobilize, and win trust. But are all the promises bound by the same goals and intention of growth of all including state and nation?  Well, that’s for us to figure out. However, over the last few decades, two main broad categories of electoral promises have come into the limelight which seem to influence elections the most, at both, the state and national level: welfare schemes and freebies.  

Let’s start with the basics: What is welfare? 

Welfare refers to an individual's or group’s overall health, happiness, and well-being. It focuses on safety, security, and quality of life.

You see, India is a mixed economy which means its economic and social structure is built on welfarism through capitalism. The Indian constitution establishes India as a welfare state through Articles 38 to 47 in Part IV which consists of the Directive Principles of State Policy. This essentially means that India follows a system of governance where the government's  chief responsibility is providing for the social and economic security of its population to meet their basic needs. While Article 38 specifically mentions that the State shall strive to secure a social order for the promotion of welfare of the people, other articles mention key basics necessities such as adequate livelihood, equal pay, right to education, nutrition and access to legal aid etc. However, this is a Directive Principle of State Policy which means that it is only a guideline for the governments in power but non-enforceable in courts.

Furthermore, what is key, enforceable and a fundamental right for all of us is Article 21: No person shall be deprived of his life or personal liberty except according to procedure established by law. This is one such article that cannot be suspended even during a National Emergency. While the article holds simplicity when you read it for the first time, it holds immense importance to our daily lives. Over time, the Indian judiciary has even expanded the scope of this article beyond the imagination of the Constitution makers. Over the last few decades, this article, through legal interpretation has been expanded to include food, clean water, clean air, healthcare, social security,  education, opportunities, legal aid and even the right to die with dignity.

IMPACT OF WELFARE SCHEMES

Welfare schemes tend to have a "multiplier effect." The multiplier effect is an economic concept where initial spending, in this case government spending, leads to a larger final increase in a nation’s GDP. 

For example, the Mid-day Meal Scheme launched by the Government of India in 1995, was inspired by Tamil Nadu. which introduced a mid-day meal programme in 1925. By 1960’s, under the vision of K Kamaraj, the programme became a statewide reality and by 1991, 12 states in India had followed suit. The scheme is the world’s largest school feeding programme that provides free cooked meals to over 11-12 crore students of government and government-aided schools.

When it came to Mid Day Meal Scheme’s multiplier effect, it was successful in addressing “classroom hunger”, boosting supplementary nutrition, increase in school attendance, enrolment and lowering dropout rates. The scheme was also an economic relief for low-income households as the afternoon meals of children were taken care of.  The greater picture? Educated kids unlock better opportunities, stronger nutrition builds healthier bodies, improvement in household economics, greater participation in nation’s growth; that's the high multiplier effect in action.

That's just one simple example with its multiplier effect undeniable, the same story can be traced for hundreds of other welfare measures. Therefore, good welfare schemes with good implementation is an individual’s pathway to freedom, economic growth and empowerment. Multiply this at the national level and you have the pathway set for national success. 

FREEBIES: WHAT ARE THEY?

The word freebies technically means goods, services or benefits provided free of charge. Sounds a lot like welfare, yes? Then why does it spark some debate and discussions, both online and offline?

Well, for starters, calling freebies just “free stuff” is very simplistic without factoring in its consequences and multiplier effect. As the RBI stated in 2022, “While there is no precise definition of freebies, it is necessary to distinguish them from public goods, such as the Public Distribution System, health and education-related schemes, employment guarantee schemes, and so on.”

Why did the RBI say so? Well, welfare schemes related to PDS, education, health etc. all focus on basic needs. But freebies? Well, they do more than just meeting basic needs. Where welfare schemes provide people means and/or the ability to BECOME CAPABLE to achieve the individual needs beyond the basics, freebies tend to become the means to meet those higher needs directly or are the higher needs itself. Freebies include utility waivers such as free electricity (up to as high as 250 units in some states), consumer goods like laptops, smartphones, bicycles, mixers, grinders, fridges, TVs and direct cash transfers for specific groups are often doled out before or during election campaigning these days. All which are over and above the basic needs criteria if we keep the standard same for everyone.  

Therefore, while freebies do have a lot in common with welfare schemes and hence are often used interchangeably, it is important to remember that welfare schemes can be considered freebies but all freebies are not welfare schemes.

Though some of these freebies serve essentials like health, water or electricity, the problem here is the “free” part of it all. Rather than building citizens’ ability to pay for electricity or bus rides, freebies end up giving away things for free without focusing on creating a strong ecosystem which would not require people to get things for free; because nothing is truly “free.” Therefore the next question should ideally be, what’s the cost of these freebies and is there an impact we might be missing out on considering?  Let’s get right to it.

The Impact of Freebies

When we consider studying the cost and impact of freebies, we broadly need to consider the 3 key players involved:

• The Voter: Who is the freebies' beneficiary or non-beneficiary
• The Political Parties: Who promise freebies before elections
• The State Exchequer: Who bears the cost of the promised freebies once political party is elected and in government

The Voter and Freebies

Freebies give all good feelings when it comes to its beneficiary since it's free. However, there are some hidden downfalls too. To start with, a sense of dependence settles in the mind of voters when freebies are handed out election after election. Moreover, since some freebies are handed out right before elections, they create a recency effect in the mind of voters and impact their voting choices. Therefore, your typical voter habituated to freebies would tend to look at what the government will give, over what and how the government will do for long term growth of an individual and the region as a whole. Afterall, freebies tend to be temporary lollipops for voters. But it doesn't end there, freebies tend to have a counter effect also on voters who are not the beneficiaries of the freebies, which is not positive by any stretch.  

Let’s understand both the positive and negative impacts through the example of free bus rides for women that was introduced by the Congress Govt under the Shakti Scheme in Karnataka (2023). As per a Lokniti-CSDS state-wide survey of fifteen districts in Karnataka with a sample of 6000+ female beneficiaries, the scheme had achieved over 90% penetration among lower-income women, with over 80% saving up to Rs 500 per week. Moreover, 34% of women from Bengaluru urban reported new or improved employment, with 26% having secured new jobs. It’s safe to say that this scheme enabled women beneficiaries to save money and be more independent in terms of mobility.

However, on the flip side, free bus rides for women soon resulted in overcrowded buses, lack of sufficient buses, increase in taxi and auto fares and inevitably bus fare hikes - Karnataka witnessed a 15% hike in 2025. Overcrowded buses became a daily challenge for majority male commuters as demonstrated by a 2024 survey that surveyed 385 male BMTC bus commuters in Bangalore. Moreover, overcrowded buses also meant other issues like conflict, increased stress,  thievery, lack of ventilation, sexual harassment etc. as demonstrated by the same survey.

Let’s now come down to political parties and freebies.

In 2022, PM Modi criticised the freebie culture by calling it “rewadi culture.” Yet, BJP, like all other parties does announce certain freebies before elections. When one wonders why such hypocrisy, a closer look at the electioneering culture tells us that political parties now are  competing with each other on the basis of these freebies just as much as candidate selection based on caste or even religion has played a role over the decades. 

You see, a 2021 Lokniti survey conducted among 4354 voters in Tamil Nadu found that over 52% of respondents found free goods and services to be important in influencing their voting decisions. Similarly, a nationwide survey in 2019 involving more than 2.7 lakh people revealed that for 41.34% respondents, distribution of liquor, cash and freebies was an important factor behind voting according to the Association for Democratic Reforms. Therefore, parties today collectively have agreed that they have no choice but to give in to this competition. Sure, the number of freebies offered might differ based on political parties ideology, vision and governance plan but freebies competition is undeniable. 

Therefore, freebies have skewed the political game and added a curve ball to the concept of free and fair elections. It’s made it a game of one upping each other during election campaigning and making it a race of who gives the most free. Thulam Saravanan would know. He was a candidate contesting from Madurai South in the 2021 Tamil Nadu assembly elections, who promised a mini-helicopter, Rs 1 crore and a Rs 20-lakh car for every household, gold jewellery for married women, a 100-day trip to the moon and a 300-foot artificial iceberg to cool the constituency. As funny as it sounds, it tells us how far the game of freebies can go if parties or candidates put their minds to it. 

And as the freebies game continues, the biggest mistake that political parties tend to make is the mistake of not weighing the state exchequer and long-term effects of the freebies they promise. This brings us to the final impact:

The impact on the state exchequer.

When it comes to freebies, Political parties don’t have to worry about party finances since freebies come from the state treasury funds. When these freebies go too far, the state exchequer suffers. The relationship between a state’s fiscal health and freebie expenditure becomes toxic when political parties risk the state's financial discipline to win elections using freebies. Let's take a 2024 study to break this down. The study analysed India’s trends of electoral freebies and fiscal deficits in India between 2010 and 2023:

As per this graph shown here, freebie allocation stood at about ₹2,500 crores in 2010 and rose to over ₹12,000 crores+ by 2023. The fiscal deficit, or the shortfall that occurs when a government's total expenditure exceeds its total revenue (excluding borrowings) saw a steady increase from ₹3,000 crores in 2010 to ₹20,000 crores in 2023.

Let's see this from a state lens. Karnataka for instance, which used to be a revenue surplus state in 2023-24 by Rs 402 crore, had spent over Rs 97,813 crores on the five guarantee schemes in just 2 years by 2025 . As per a CAG report in 2025, this led to Revenue Deficit of Rs 9,271 crore, and the state’s capital expenditure fell by Rs 5,229 crore, causing incomplete projects to surge by 68%. Lack of projects would in turn result in decrease in employment which in turn would decrease the revenue generation as a state. 

Similarly, Telangana, a state whose total debt stands at Rs 8 lakh crore as of December 2025, heard its CM Revanth Reddy himself say “I have no money for capital expenditure.” He added that there must be nationwide discussion on the feasibility of welfare guarantees. In his words, “After I sat on the Chief Minister’s chair, I got to know the truth.” A stark admission, indeed.  So it turns out the impact on state exchequer is not just in the form of increasing state debts and fiscal deficits , but also lowering capital expenditure on infrastructure, industries and GDP contributing sectors, therefore increasing unemployment and lowering growth rates.  

Moreover, recent state elections (Karnataka, Telangana, Madhya Pradesh, Delhi) saw "guarantees" involving monthly cash transfers to women. Though these cash transfers offer assistance and a sense of economic agency, its multiplier effects are yet to be determined as the evidence is still negligible. However, what we do know is that these cash transfers take up 6% of states revenue expenditure, and even exceed 8% in states like Karnataka, West Bengal and Jharkhand. 

The freebies contest and impact has even forced the Supreme Court in February 2026, to criticise the practice of announcing freebies before elections, claiming that it discourages willingness to work among people. While the Election Commission of India (ECI) had affirmed in 2024 that it cannot fully regulate the policy decisions or election promises of political parties nor freebies defined as “corrupt practices”, but it has been pushing for parties to disclose the the financial health of the state and the financial feasibility of their promises to the voters. This however, is not a hard and fast rule, nor has any government brought in laws related to freebies to fix these loopholes. 

Therefore, amidst this competitive race for bartering votes with freebies and still waiting on its multiplier effect to prove all pessimists wrong, how do we as voters analyse schemes smartly? Here’s what you need to take away.

Where Welfare Ends and Freebies Begin

Political parties offer voters a preview of their vision in manifestos ahead of an election. While freebies make the rally speeches and news headlines, welfare quietly simmers in silence in the pages of the manifesto booklets. But how do we differentiate between the two? Here’s four key points for your reference:

1. Freebies tend to be beneficial for a short duration whereas welfare schemes tend to be beneficial for a longer duration. Take appliances like mixers or refrigerators- they’d last for a few years whereas welfare schemes that ensure food and water security have a life-long impact as mentioned earlier.
2. Economically, freebies have a high “consumption effect” rather than a multiplier effect in case of welfare schemes. This means that not only are freebies consumed quickly but they also eat up the state exchequer just as quickly- especially when a state is not financially sound to afford the promised freebies. For instance, the DMK announced the “Illatharasi Coupon” scheme, offering Rs 8,000 worth of coupons to nearly 2 crore non-income-tax-paying households. On the other hand, a welfare scheme such as the Pradhan Mantri Awas Yojana mandates that the house constructed or purchased with central assistance must be in the name of the female head of the household or in the joint name of the husband and wife.
3. While welfare schemes focus on societal development by providing basic needs to ALL, freebies tend to focus on fulfilling higher needs for SOME i.e. they tend to be targeted to consolidate votebanks. These votebanks include women, youth, farmers, religious or caste groups and so on. For instance, the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) government in Delhi provided 20,000 litres of free water monthly to households with functional water meters for low-income groups and tenants in 2013. If usage exceeded 20,000 litres, the entire amount would be billed.  However, a welfare scheme would ensure tapped water is provided to all households.
4. Welfare schemes provide slow gratification, freebies provide instant gratification. The multiplier effect of something as basic as a mid-day meal is experienced in the years to come, while freebies like tv, cash doles, sarees and dhotis bring immediate joy with little to no multiplier effect.

This is where your role becomes important in understanding if the promises are realistic, feasible and offer long-term success both to you and the state you reside in.

Make sure you keep this matrix handy and start analysing promises termed as ‘welfare’ against this matrix to see where it lands you.  So, where do you draw the line between welfare and freebies? Drop your thoughts below.

Politics in India is no short of a well-established 78 season web-series still on air since 1947. And who all are the star-studded cast of this ordeal? The dynastic families starting right from the Nehru-Gandhis under the national spotlight and the regional powerhouses like the Yadavs in Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, Thackerays in Maharashtra, and Abdullahs in Kashmir, family legacies have long dominated who gets to lead.

But if we want to delve deeper into the functioning of such a political phenomenon and how voters of today may perceive the landscape of administrative power: we need to break down what dynastic politics in simpler terms is. 

Dynastic politics is when the same family stays in power for many years, with parents, children, or relatives all becoming leaders one after another. This happens in many countries even beyond India, where some political families have been in politics for generations. Some voters believe that it's good because the family possesses necessary ideals and inherited qualifications, but others may feel it's unfair since it makes it harder for a fresher vision to gain momentum in a country that is constantly evolving. In a true democracy, everyone should have an equal shot, not just those born into political families.

But does the community of young voters of India think that we are thriving under such legacy monopoly or there’s a need for fresh faces that are ready to offer them a vision?

Why Dynasties Are Still Around?

• Name recognition: A familiar surname instantly builds trust with voters.
• Access to party tickets: It’s easier to contest elections if you’re already in the family.
• Strong local networks: Political dynasties have loyal workers, supporters, and financial backers.
• Established “vote banks”: In many cases, entire communities vote based on a family’s legacy.

When we look at numbers it is blindingly bright how in 2019, 30% of Lok Sabha MPs had ties to families who have been reigning within the political sphere of India. And yes, it includes every single major party, from Congress to the Samajwadi Party, the DMK, and even the BJP.

Familiar Faces = Trusted Choices?

In the 2019 Lok Sabha election, 226 incumbent MPs were re-elected, making up only 41% of the newly elected members—meaning that 59% were newcomers. This reveals a surprisingly high turnover in Indian politics, unlike most democracies where incumbency provides an advantage. From the 17th Lok Sabha (2014–19), approximately 230 MPs were re-elected, while 267 were first-time legislators, reinforcing that continuity and experience remain highly valued in the electoral mindset, even as fresh entrants gain ground.

This is fool-proof evidence to how an Indian voter is more likely to put their trust in someone they already know. If someone’s father or grandfather had served the area, it was assumed they understood governance and would deliver. In rural areas, the village sarpanch’s son becoming the MLA wasn’t seen as privilege, it was seen as continuity.

It’s an unsaid truth that the theory behind distribution of government jobs solely takes place through connections that are personal or political with no in-between. It is the most generic formula for getting things done. They could pick up the phone, call the collector, and fix your electricity or ration card issue. That kind of access mattered to voters.

But the Voter is Changing

The voter community in circa 2024 is as dynamic as it gets.

While today’s youth certainly seem more informed and vocal, asking tough questions like “What has this candidate achieved independently?” and “Does their surname precede national progress?” that awareness hasn't fully translated into action. According to the Election Commission of India, out of the approximately 49 million 18–19‑year‑olds, only 38% had registered to vote before the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, with states like Bihar, Delhi, and Uttar Pradesh showing even lower rates. Moreover, first-time voters overall comprised just about 1.9% of total electors (around 1.85 crore out of nearly 97 crore registered voters) This gap between political consciousness and electoral participation highlights a crucial insight: while youth are increasingly questioning and challenging the status quo, their presence at the ballot box remains inconsistent. 

Social media trials are more often than not means of understanding the blurred lines between grey, black and white. Education enables the rise of issue-based politics that have made voters more critical and independent. While many still vote for dynastic politicians, there’s less blind faith when the validity of every single promise made can be cross-checked with a simple google search.

If a legacy candidate can prove themselves, show real leadership, clean governance, or new ideas- they may still get support. But the expectation is now much higher and beyond legacy heritage.

Cracks in the Wall

There are signs that the dynastic model might be breaking down. Voters are becoming increasingly transactional in metros and tier-2 cities; they wish to vote for development, infrastructure, and promises, rather than anything that is genealogical.

Some political families are even losing for a change. In 2019 Rahul Gandhi had lost his seat at Amethi to BJP’s Smriti Irani and in 2024 Gandhi’s sister Priyanka Gandhi Vadra contested her first-ever election in 2024 from Wayanad, a seat vacated by Rahul after he retained Rae Bareli, and secured a win but this came after decades of being in politics without contesting. Akhilesh Yadav too has witnessed a mixed record of dynastic wins. Hence these two cases are the perfect examples of opposite modes of successes and failures in the elections. Meanwhile, power was wrested by non-dynastic faces like Narendra Modi, Yogi Adityanath, and Arvind Kejriwal more on merit , vision and public projection. 

What the Future Looks Like

While there is increasingly much discussion of new political leadership, the arrival of fresh faces in Indian politics is still small. During the 2019 Lok Sabha polls, just around 26% of MPs were first-timers and the remaining were re-elected or from traditional political families. Even at the MLA level, the issuance of party tickets is highly biased in favor of sitting members with little room for fresh faces or independent new entrants. 

In spite of this, there are indicators of churn. Some parties have been forced to run new candidates for reasons of anti-incumbency, retirements, or seat realignments. However, the absence of access to institutions, mentorship, and funding continues to create barriers for youth and grassroots leaders entering the fray.

One historically entrenched issue is the "Pati Panchayat" phenomenon, where elected women, particularly at the panchayat or municipal level are frequently replaced in practice by their husbands or close relatives. This works against gender empowerment as well as political rejuvenation.

But the 33% reservation for women in Lok Sabha and state assemblies, when it comes into effect with its rotating model, may prove to be a structural gamechanger. Since the reserved seats rotate over each election cycle, it will problematize the hardening of proxy politics and possibly create genuine political space for women leaders with autonomous agency.

Hopefully the future leaders will have to work for their position, not inherit it. That goes for even the political legacies, especially in this world of internet and social media where information is circulated faster than taking a big breath. However, the age of dynastic politics is not yet over, but its hold is weakening that’s for sure. And every voter must remember democracy is your vote counted for your rights, not for someone's last name.

The ballot is not a family heirloom. It's a weapon of change.

Written by Ahana Ghosh

The biggest component in the election survival kit of the political parties in India is money. The coveted cash, which at all points is strictly scrutinised, often makes or breaks the elections. Keeping in mind the importance of party funding, the Election Commission of India has been entrusted to implement, monitor and execute the various policies and frameworks regarding electioneering including party and candidate spending. However the ECI works in and around the ambit and parameters set by the government in power through election reforms passed in the parliament. Now what does an electoral reform, or specifically an election funding reform, usually mean?

Electoral Funding usually refers to all the financials raised and spent by the candidates and political parties throughout the course of an election campaign. The reform part of it kicks in, when the Election Commission of India, supported by the Government of India comes out with legislations or amendments to streamline the funding process across levels, to ensure an even playing field for all parties geared to protect democracies most fundamental promise of free and fair elections. 

One of the most significant decisions in the space of election funding reforms came during the Indira Gandhi government. As she prohibited corporate donations in 1969, she was not just enacting a reform, she was arming legislation against her opponents. Instead of cleaning up politics as ‘intended’, the prohibition pushed money underground. Cash was king, and black money thrived. Then came another major reform, the 1979 decision, under the government of Chaudhary Charan Singh,  when political parties were exempted from income and wealth taxes, only if they filed annual returns including their audited accounts, and disclosed all of their donations over Rs. 10,000 and mainly, disclosed the identity of their supporters as well. With the government identifying that taxing the income of political parties further reduced their legitimate, disposable funds, making them even more dependent on undisclosed or illegal sources, which had been the case due to the ban on corporate funding to parties and other relevant measures up until then. The stated objective of the 1979 decision was to increase the flow of proper and legitimate funding for the parties to use. However, the reforms often don’t update itself with the changing economy as swiftly as needed, an example below tells us enough. 

The 1996 Supreme Court decision required political parties to submit income tax returns which was suggested in 1979, making it 17 years after the requirement became law. Rules were on the books, but enforcement has been based on political whims alone. Now, consider the 2008-2009 financial returns of two national political parties: Congress had recorded Rs. 4,970 million total revenues, but traceable donations accounted for only Rs. 280 million, 94% remained unaccounted for. Similarly, the BJP received 85% of its funds from unidentified sources. Both parties cleverly circumvented disclosure requirements while hiding their financial machinery from the public eye. Especially in the context of the 1979 reform and SC verdict, is worth the wonder.

The reform efforts or lack of speak for themselves. Many committees have come and gone but even today we are grappling with basic transparency to stay informed on the private and political nexus or possibility of, at the expense of Indians and India’s democracy. The Dinesh Goswami Committee (1990) recommended measures like subsidizing fuel for cars and the use of microphones— measures which acknowledged the reality that elections cost money (though being idealistic and not future looking). The Indrajit Gupta Committee (1998) went one step further by recommending free airtime on state media. 

Implementation, however, remained selective with lawmakers choosing and cherry-picking the reforms that would not encroach on traditional sources of funding. Both the suggested reforms mentioned here, for instance, were never implemented by the government, mainly, due to the lack of political will to unanimously implement these schemes, and also due to the lack of a uniform regulatory framework existing within all political parties in the country.

Fast forwarding to the present context, the Electoral Bond scheme of 2018 is arguably the most controversial addition to this story. These electoral bonds were conceived as an authorised promissory note of sorts, which would be bought by individuals from select branches of SBI, and donate that to the political parties they wish to support without disclosing the same to ECI thereby the public.  Promised as a way to eliminate black money by channeling donations through banks and enhance, it did not succeed all the way and added a level of unprecedented obscurity. 

The bond, which does not bear the name of the payee transparent for all to see and know, did not gain approval from the various stakeholders of the country. The government's argument of protecting donors from exploitation was a pretext for the real impact of the scheme: it channeled almost 75% of all bonds valued at more than Rs. 16,000 crore to the ruling party, while leaving the electorate unaware of who are these donors especially the ones giving large sums for the possibility of influencing policies in their favour.

The 15th February 2024 Supreme Court ruling before the Lok Sabha 2024 season declared Electoral Bonds to be unconstitutional,a landmark in jurisprudence. The five-judge bench recognized a consideration many analysts had long made: anonymous political contributions effectively undermine citizens' fundamental right to information enrishned under Article 19 (1) (a) and enable quid pro quo deals between politicians and corporations.

The post-Electoral Bond vacuum now promises both opportunity and challenge. Successful reform will need to be capable of addressing contribution limits, strong disclosure requirements, and enforcement measures through a robust and strong Election Commission. Especially in this technologically evolved electioneering landscape,where for example campaigns online require new regulatory standards befitting the new reality of electoral politics. Changing India's electoral funding model will take more than a court intervention—it needs political will to put democratic principles ahead of money and power. And political parties? They need to have a solid, united consensus on more things than just resisting checks on their fundings.

You see, Urdu carries the weight of three Ps;

Poetry- if you like your occasional tug in the heart-string.

Politics- if the newspaper and media noise occupies a special spot at the breakfast table.

And of course, Persian, one of its many parents that history won’t quite forget.

Somewhere amidst these realms, it carries the weight of religion too. In fact, Urdu occupies a spot in the many conflicts, celebrations and contradictions today. After all, India was where it took birth- how could it not?

The Urdu poet Khurshid Afar Bisrani writes about it quite bluntly:

Ab Urdu kya hai ek kothey kee tawaif hai

Mazaa har ek leta hai mohabbat kaun karta hai

In today’s scenario, Urdu has been used for applause, and abused for votes. Sure, Urdu will always find praise in Bollywood’s commercial needs and poetry sessions. Otherwise, it is today the “language of the Musalman;” a language spoken by 5.07 crore people as per the 2011 Census. Hindi and Urdu are so closely related that everyday spoken Hindi used by most Indians includes many Urdu words, making the two languages mutually intelligible for the majority.

And so, it remains a matter of contention. The Supreme Court stated in April 2025 that “Language is not religion. Language does not even represent religion. Language belongs to a community, to a region, to people; and not to a religion”  after upholding the inclusion of Urdu alongside Marathi on a municipal signboard in Patur, Maharashtra.

However, it’s a little deeper than that. Urdu began to take shape more distinctly from the 12th century onward, after increased contact with Persian, Arabic, and Turkic languages due to successive Islamic invasions and the establishment of the Delhi Sultanate (1206–1526) and later the Mughal Empire (1526–1858). The term "Urdu" itself is derived from the Turkish word ordu, meaning "camp" or "army", reflecting its origin as a lingua franca among soldiers in royal camps. A mixture of not just Turkish, Arabic and Persian but also Sanskrit, Hindi, Braj and Dakhani.

The year was 1837 when Urdu replaced Persian as the official language of the British East India Company in northern India. The language became a symbol of Muslim identity and played a significant role in the political movements leading to the creation of Pakistan. Therefore, while it is true that language has no religion, it was only the beginning of a controversy that would extend beyond the Constituent Assembly that once contemplated Hindustani, a blend of Hindi and Urdu, as the ideal national language.

Things took a steady yet explosive turn with this controversy.  In August 1967, communal riots broke out in Ranchi and Hatia (then in Bihar), triggered by tensions over the Urdu language and Ram Navami festival. This resulted in 184 deaths. In 1994, what began as a protest outside Karnataka’s Doordarshan office for the broadcast of an Urdu news bulletin ended in 25 deaths and property worth Rs 1 Crore damaged.

Today conflicts around India’s languages have only gotten more vibrant, often finding a cosy nook in political debates and budget allocations. The Urdu controversy reawakened to life after Rs 100 crore was allocated for Urdu schools in the Karnataka government’s 2025 budget. It was the ₹32 crore reportedly allocated for the state’s very own language Kannada, that fueled the fire on X (Twitter). Oof, that’s just touchy. 

However, this is where it gets interesting: the funds for the National Council for the Promotion of Urdu Language had nearly doubled in just five years. From ₹45 crore in 2013-14, it had risen to ₹84 crore in 2019-20- a solid 45% rise. 

Let’s take a pause now; who is this for again? Clearly not the Urdu speakers since reality goes far beyond the screens of political mileage or appeasement politics.

In 2019, an independent report, “A New Agenda For The Education Of Indian Muslims in the 21st Century”, noted a corresponding decline in Urdu particularly sharp among school-going Muslim children. Only about 0.8% of all Indian students are enrolled in full Urdu medium schools nationwide. 

Why? Because the language no longer ensures employment in the government or private sectors. And it surely is no cakewalk with just fewer Urdu-medium schools, limited availability of quality Urdu textbooks, and a shortage of qualified Urdu teachers in India today.

It so appears that it is celebrated on stage yet sidelined in schools, embraced in verses but excluded from vocational promise. And so Urdu once the language of poets, is also the language of politicians; A convenient symbol that can project inclusivity or stir resentment anytime. 

Now, where does one truly draw the line between preservation and performance? We’d just have to ask the poets/politicians to answer this themselves.

The college timetable is more or less predictable. Except free hours on a Friday afternoon that are not to be trusted - professors do love seizing the opportunity to schedule a  special class. 

The Indian Parliament operates on a schedule too, Monsoon, Winter and Budget Sessions. We know the Monsoon Session, 21st July 2025 onwards is routine, but what aren't, special sessions. Some of them make history, some of them make headlines, and this time, just a demand for a Special Session on Operation Sindoor had over 200+ MPs writing to the PM who within his parliamentary rights chose not to entertain it.

The government chose to wait for the Monsoon Session. Why? Because it could.

Special sessions can happen any time on any given day. They can be called by the government in power for emergencies, reforms, celebratory events or moments of national significance. 

India’s first special session was held at midnight on August 15, 1947. Nehru’s iconic “Tryst with Destiny” speech marked the birth of a nation. Since then, there have been eight more. Some symbolic: celebrating Independence, Quit India, Ambedkar’s 125th birth anniversary, or inaugurating the new Parliament in 2023. Some reformative, like the midnight Special Session of 30th June, 2017 introduced GST, a major economic reform.The last Special Session, in fact, witnessed the passage of the historic Women’s Reservation Bill 2023.

Few were urgent, like in 1962, when Parliament met early during the Sino-Indian War. Interestingly, then, Atal Bihari Vajpayee, leader of the Jan Sangh, demanded a session to discuss the war losses and unexpected attack. Nehru, the then PM agreed, but the discussions exposed India’s military unpreparedness. In contrast, during the 1971 war with Pakistan, no special session was needed; the Parliament was already in its winter session. So there seems to be no clear ‘when or not to hold’ when it comes to special sessions.

Looking at it from constitutional and functionality lens, the Constitution does not explicitly define "special session” but Article 85(1) gives the President the power to summon the Parliament, as long as no more than six months pass between sessions. But it’s not as simple as a President’s summon! The Central government has the authority to call for a session. Then the Cabinet Committee on Parliamentary Affairs (CCPA) determines the agenda, date(s) and number of sittings. After the session schedule is finalised and approved by the President,  the MPs are then called upon to convene for the special session.

Before 1999, proposals for summoning Parliament went through the CCPA, then to the PM and President. The process shifted; proposals began going directly to the Cabinet on the Home Minister's advice. Why? Because the CCPA consists of the cabinet members themselves.

There is sometimes an all-party meeting before the session to discuss the agenda, but guess what? This is only a convention, not a constitutional requirement. The control over the agenda, however, rests with the CCPA and central government. And often, the detailed agenda is circulated at the last minute and can come under criticism due to less time for opposition to prepare their talking points. Special Sessions do not follow the same democratic practices as regular sessions. There’s no Question Hour, no Zero Hour, and no Private Members' Business. 

Their structure often limits participation, because special sessions serve better as a forum for declarations and open forum discussions over detailed planned deliberations unlike the 3 sessions . These special sessions are ‘special’, and while these sessions may appear ceremonial or responsive, they mainly operate on executive discretion and will.

As Parliament meets again for the Monsoon Session 2025, Operation Sindoor will remain a talking point. Perhaps the absence of a special session too, as 16 Parties demanded one.

Was it a missed opportunity, or did the government simply exercise its prerogative?

Written by Poorvi S.

Impact of Delimitation on one’s daily life

There is no denying it: India is a crowded affair. The railway coaches are crowded, and so are the tables in a breakfast joint on a Sunday morning. Well, the accurate term is overpopulation — also a characteristic complaint of Indians themselves. Sure, one can only imagine the plight of a math teacher trying to contain a classroom, a.k.a fish market of 50. But does anyone think about a Member of Parliament (MP)  who represents 25 lakh people today?

Delimitation is the process of redrawing the boundaries of electoral constituencies, which consequently readjusts the number of seats each state has in the Lok Sabha, legislative assembly, municipality and panchayat. But here’s the thing: this isn't just some technical rejig of political boundaries—it’s about efficient administration, development, resources, and you.

Today the 140 crore Indian statistic has increased by approximately 268.4% from 38 crore in 1952. However, the number of seats in Lok Sabha has only increased by 11% from 489 to 543 during the same period. India’s late former PM Indira Gandhi froze delimitation in 1975 during the National Emergency when India’s population stood at 62.31 crores. After the Parliament further passed the 84th Constitutional Amendment in 2000, these seats have remained the same for nearly 5 decades, to be precise.

Back in 1977, one MP represented around 10.11 lakh people. Today that average has shot up to around 25 lakh per MP, and in some states like Bihar, it’s over 33 lakh per MP. Imagine trying to manage the needs of 33 lakh people with a ₹5 crore annual MPLADs (Members of Parliament Local Area Development Scheme) fund, representing the whole lot equitably without making a mistake or failing parts of the region. Yeah—good luck with that.

Yet, what has all the opposition to delimitation been about? So far, delimitation has come across as a politically explosive process. If South Indian states have maintained fertility under 2.0 while North Indian states like Bihar stand at 3.0, the opposition has argued that states struggling to control their population need to be held accountable. 

However, population isn’t just about birth rates—it’s also shaped by migration patterns. Take Kerala, for example: by 1977, it had 1.35 lakh emigrants, accounting for 63% of all Indians migrating to the Gulf. By 1980, that figure had risen to 2.08 lakh. Fast forward to 2023, and the Kerala Migration Survey estimates 22 lakh emigrants from the state. And it’s not just Kerala—there are an estimated 5 lakh emigrants from Karnataka, Tamil Nadu, and Maharashtra combined. Clearly, migration flows complicate the story beyond simple population control measures.

But the delay in delimitation comes at a cost—equity, development, and fair governance. After all, delimitation is about how well your area is represented, how many roads get built, how many schools and hospitals come up, and how much your MP can realistically do for your constituency.

Overstretched MPs simply can’t meet the diverse demands of bloated constituencies nor pay attention to the range of constituent issues. Your concerns may go unheard—not due to apathy but because of overload. A fair delimitation process would enhance what governance and elected representatives are meant to actually do. It takes away the possibility of using lack of delimitation as an excuse for underperformance

Let’s take note, the Union Home Minister, Shri Amit Shah assured that no parliamentary constituencies in southern states will be reduced due to the upcoming delimitation exercise. There are two ways this process could unfold: Redistribute the existing 543 seats based on updated population numbers or increase the total number of seats to 848 according to proportional distribution. Considering how the new parliament can accommodate 888 members, an increase in the LS seats does not seem too far-fetched. Another way the government could avoid political conflict is also by increasing vidhan sabha seats to increase state performance and representation following delimitation while it considers increasing  PC seats however, proportionally. This can aid the balance between states across india in Lok Sabha, as well as avoid possible regional vs national party disparity during the general elections ‘

Either way, some states will gain. Others could feel shortchanged. But something’s got to give.

Written by Poorvi S

By Navya Y.

Imagine forming a team to achieve a common goal. Each member is essential, contributing time, resources, and trust to ensure success. One of your key members suddenly defects to a rival team, driven by personal gain. This betrayal would hamper your efforts and erode trust within your group. A similar scenario unfolds in the political landscape when elected representatives, trusted by voters and backed by political parties, switch sides for personal or political benefits, especially right before election candidates nominations. 

In the political realm, defections are not just an internal setback for a party; they also affect public trust. Voters cast their ballots based on party ideologies and promises. When a representative defects, it undermines the election mandate, creating a sense of betrayal. A recent example of this would be in October 2024 when former BJP leaders in Jharkhand, such as Lois Marandi and Kunal Sarangi, defected to the Jharkhand Mukti Morcha, citing dissatisfaction with BJP’s internal politics and allegations of corruption as reasons for their defection. 

To tackle such situations, the Anti-defection law was introduced as a legislative framework to address this issue in 1985. The law aimed to combat instability caused by frequent MLA defections in the political system, undermining the electoral mandate. The main objective behind the law was to ensure the credibility of parliamentary democracy. 

Origin of the Anti-defection law 

‘Aaya Ram, Gaya Ram’, a popular phrase in 1967, came to the limelight when an MLA from Haryana Gaya Lal changed his party thrice on the same day. This incident became symbolic of the rampant defections occurring in Indian politics. The article ‘Aaya Ram, Gaya Ram - The Politics of Defection’ by the Indian Law Institute in 1979 reported that from 1967 to 1969, almost 1500 party defections and 313 independent candidate defections occurred in 12 states. The alarming rise in defections prompted the government to set up a committee under Home Minister Yashwantrao Balwantrao Chavan to assess the problem. 

The Chavan committee later recommended that legislators who change their party for monetary gains should be excluded from the parliament and barred from contesting elections for some time.  In 1985, the anti-defection law, officially known as the Tenth Schedule of the Indian Constitution, was introduced through the 52nd Amendment Act. 

At that time, Rajiv Gandhi's government enjoyed a massive majority of 414 out of 533 seats in the Lok Sabha, making it easier to pass the legislation. The law was seen as a crucial step to preventing the party-hopping of politicians, a practice that had significantly destabilised governments, particularly affecting opposition parties.  

Decoding Law: A Critical Analysis 

Since the introduction of the anti-defection law, representatives have been more likely to vote according to their party whip. On the other hand, the law is also criticised for: 

• The violation of Article 19 (1) (a), where MPs and MLAs vote in line with the party’s directives issued by their respective parties, restricts their freedom of speech and expression. 
• Lack of representation of minority views within the political parties:, when representatives do not agree with their party’s agenda, they are forced to vote according to their party whip even if they disagree. 

The existing provision of anti-defection law allows for defection in certain circumstances, such as when a party merges with another party or when a legislator has been expelled from their party. These provisions have been criticised for being too broad and allowing for arbitrary and politically motivated defections. 

What is the way forward? 

The law helps improve the policy outcomes, allowing the legislators to express dissent within the framework of their party.  Defectors are often rewarded with ministerial positions in the new government, thus encouraging unethical defections. In such cases, introducing a provision to bar defectors from holding any ministerial positions for at least three years would act as a deterrent.  

Allowing them to vote independently on policy issues ensures that regional and constituency-specific concerns are adequately represented in legislative debates.  The current law provides ambiguous definitions of what constitutes a voluntary resignation or split, leading to manipulation by legislators. Clearly defining voluntary resignation would help prevent its misuse as a loophole to evade disqualification. 

The anti-defection law plays a pivotal role in maintaining the stability and integrity of India’s political system by preventing the elected representatives from defecting their parties to opposite ones. However, the impact of the law has been undermined by some pitfalls, such as the provisions that allow defections through party mergers and delays in the judicial processes. To strengthen the democratic process, these issues must be addressed through reforms such as stringent rules for party mergers and independent adjudication of defection cases. By closing the gaps, we can ensure that the law serves its intended purpose by reducing opportunism and promoting accountable governance. 

Written by Ashutosh Dubey

In the first election since UT status, Ladakh recorded 67.15% turnout after going to the polls on 20th May, 2024, in the fifth phase of the General Elections. Many saw this election as a crucial move to push for the demands of Statehood and inclusion in the Sixth Schedule.

Why is Ladakh demanding for the 6th Schedule, and why has Sonam Wangchuk been in the main frame of Ladakh’s protests?

After the abrogation of in August 2019, Ladakh was separated from Jammu and Kashmir and became a Union Territory without a legislature. And since then, people in Ladakh have been asking for statehood and people’s representation in the Assembly. Sonam Wangchuk and the locals of Ladakh are asking for statehood for Ladakh, its inclusion in the 6th schedule of the constitution, the setting up of a separate public service commission for Ladakh, and separate Lok Sabha seats for Leh and Kargil districts.

The character of Phunsukh Wangdu was inspired by Sonam Wangchuk of Ladakh! He is an engineer, innovator, and education reformist who started a 21-day hunger strike (extendable till death) that he called a “climate fast” along with Leh Apex Body (LAB) and Kargil Democratic Alliance (KDA) leaders and supporters on March 6. The fast and the protest were in support of Ladakh residents demanding safeguards for the territory’s fragile ecology and autonomy over land and agricultural decisions.

What is the 6th Schedule of the Constitution?

It provides for the administration of tribal areas in Assam, Meghalaya, Tripura, and Mizoram to safeguard the tribal population’s rights. Article 244(2) and Article 275(1) provide for this special provision. The 6th Schedule came from the Bordoloi Committee and was passed in 1949 by the constituent Assembly. The Committee had suggested providing limited autonomy to the tribals of the North-East region over tribal regions. Autonomous District Councils (ADCs) can be formed to safeguard the rights of tribal people in tribal areas. 

ADCs are vested with the tribal freedom to exercise legislative and executive powers and can set up village councils or courts to decide matters between parties of Schedule Tribes. Councils can collect taxes and land revenue and are provided with the power to regulate money lending and trading. ADCs can lease for the extraction of minerals and establish public facilities like schools, health centres, and parks. The acts of Parliament and the state legislature do not apply directly to districts with ADCs, but with modifications and exceptions. The governor has the power to organise and reorganise autonomous districts and can also form a commission to examine and report on these administrative units and can make changes as per the suggestions of the commission.

Bounded by the Karakoram range at the north and the Zaskar range at the south, Ladakh consists mainly of high plains and deep river valleys. Ladakh's total population, according to the 2011 census, is 2.74 lakh. More than 97% of the population of Ladakh belongs to the Schedule Tribe, namely: Balti, Beda, Bot, Brokpa, Dropka, Dard, Shin, Changpa, Garra, Mon, and Purigpa.

How is Ladakh “ecologically sensitive”?

There are large numbers of glaciers and glacial lakes in Ladakh, known for being the major source of water for the region. The Himalayan glaciers of Ladakh, famous as the “water town of Asia,” count among the few frozen freshwater resources in the world. Some of the endangered species, like the snow leopard and Pika, that are indigenous to Ladakh are most likely to lose their habitat.

Due to climate change, glaciers are retreating, leading to a scarcity of water for drinking and agriculture. As the large numbers of tourists visiting the UT increase, so does their carbon footprint. The rapid development of the region in terms of infrastructure is leading to the loss of habitats and biodiversity. The government is planning to boost tourism in the region. As per the reports, 4,50,000 tourists visited the UT in 2022 in just 8 months, outnumbering even the local population. Seven hydropower projects have been proposed, along with solar projects. The Ladakh government. will clear around 157 hectares of forest land for building electricity transmission lines. The region is rich in minerals and industrialists have shown interest to explore the area.

What is the government doing?

The government has formed a high-level committee under the chairmanship of Minister of State for Home Affairs Nityanand Rai to look into the issue of ‘Ladakh’. Nine rounds of meetings between the committee of New Delhi and 14 delegates of the KDA and LAB have ended in deadlock with no concrete decision. The last meeting was held on March 4th, 2024. Union Home Minister Amit Shah assured to offer special provision for the UT under Article 371 and was also willing to provide an 80% reservation in public employment. Articles 371 and 371-A through J provide “special provisions” for specific states to allow certain religious and social groups to exercise autonomy over their practices and affairs without any interruption from the state or central governments. It does allow a certain level of representation and autonomy for the locals of Ladakh, but it will not be as effective as the 6th Schedule. It will be the first time in the history of India that Article 371 will extend to a Union Territory. Otherwise, special provisions offered under this article are only implemented in states like Bombay and Gujarat to save the businesses of particular groups of traders there.

The Election Commission of India had announced the dates for the upcoming Lok Sabha elections. With the announcement of these dates for the seven-phase polling,  on 16^th March 2024, the ECI has issued a Model Code of Conduct. 

The Model Code of Conduct (MCC) is a set of norms for the conduct of political parties and candidates laid down by the ECI.  It has been set out for the conduct of free, fair, and independent elections throughout the country.

 As it contains eight parts now, it mainly focuses on speeches, meetings, processions, polling day, polling booths, supervisors, the ruling party, election manifestos, and overall behavior. Its primary objective is to conduct elections respectfully while maintaining transparency. The MCC provides a level playing field for all the parties and candidates contesting the election. It maintains the integrity and credibility of electoral processes by preventing individuals in positions of power from misusing their authority or exploiting it for personal gain. When MCC came into the force just after the announcement, political parties contesting the election regulate their rallies, speeches, and meetings as per the provisions mentioned in the rule book of the Election Commission of India. There are some dos and don’ts that have to be followed by every political party and the candidates, like:

• Parties and candidates must not do anything that worsens divisions or stirs up hate between different groups based on caste, religion, or language. 
• Candidates and political parties should only criticize their opponents based on their policies, past actions, and work, without making personal attacks or unrelated statements. 
• Political parties and candidates are not allowed to ask for votes based on caste or religion, and they cannot use places of worship for election campaigning. 
• ECI has instructed all parties and candidates to refrain from holding public meetings within 100 meters of the polling booth during the 48 hours close to the voting day. • 
• Banners, posters, and flags should not be erected on any individual’s land without their permission. 
• Permission is required from the police or local authority for the security arrangements before organizing any meeting in that area. 
• Parties in power in states or center should not use official machinery or officers for their propaganda or campaigning and should avoid any misuse of their official capacity for their political gain.

The Model Code of Conduct has evolved from the agreement of all the parties on certain terms they should abide by and respect while contesting elections. Way back in 1960, when MCC was first formulated in Kerala’s assembly elections, since then, it has been evolving to assume its present form. In 1962, the Election Commission of India distributed that code to all the recognized parties of that time for the general elections of Lok Sabha and various state assembly elections, which led to the proper conduct of the election without any disturbances. 

ECI did the same in the elections of state assemblies in various states during 1968–69. A document was prepared consisting of a minimum standard code of conduct entitled ‘Role and Responsibilities of Political Parties during Elections: An Appeal to Political Parties for the Observance of a Minimum Code of Conduct during Election Propaganda and Campaign’ and shared among all the parties and candidates. In October 1979, ECI came up with a more comprehensive and revised Model Code of Conduct after concluding the meeting with various political parties and parties in power in various states and the center. It was issued for the 1979 Lok Sabha elections. This year, a new section was added for the conduct of the ‘party in power’. The Model Code of Conduct was reamplified and consolidated into its developed form in 1991. 

The Model Code of Conduct (MCC) is not a legally binding document, but it derives its authority from the Representation of People Act, 1951, and the Indian Penal Code. Article 324 of the Indian Constitution empowers the Election Commission of India to issue guidelines and instructions for conducting free and fair elections. Section 8 of the  Representation of People Act, 1951, deals with disqualification on conviction for certain offenses. Part 7 of the same act deals with corrupt practices and electoral offenses. In violation of the Model Code of Conduct, the Election Commission of India has the authority to cancel voting in that constituency.

 ECI closely monitors the behavior of parties and candidates, and on violation, it may lead to the suspension or withdrawal of that party’s recognition under paragraph 16A of the Election Symbols (Reservation and Allotment) 1968. Candidates, if found guilty of a violation, may be imprisoned at the direction of ECI. Even the Supreme Court has reiterated that the Model Code of Conduct will be in effect as soon as the Election Commission of India announces it through a press release in the Union of India vs. Harbans Sigh Jalal and Others case of 2001.

How to report violation of Model Code of Conduct?  

cVIGIL, a mobile application available at the Google Play Store and Apple Play Store developed by the Election Commission of India. Citizens can report violations of the Model Code of Conduct through the cVIGIL app. It uses GPS to track the location of the violation and Allows users to capture the live incidents only. cVIGIL tracks the progress of the complaint. Also, it has the feature to report the case of MCC violation anonymously.

While the world’s largest democracy awaits the Lok Sabha elections of 2024 and its outcomes, the Election Commission of India (ECI) is industriously active in ensuring a free, fair and accessible election process. With seven polling phases spread over 44 days, there are 98.6 crore eligible voters enrolled on the Indian electoral list. The voter statistics are Herculean, and the universal adult franchise in India is robust in its layers that cascade from the union level to the grassroots of India.  While the 2024 elections are monumentally significant in occupying our minds at present, it is the electoral past of India that are powerful reminders of what it means to make a vote count. A glimpse at the 67.4% voter turnout of 2019 Lok Sabha polls presents the case of the 30 crore ‘Lost Votes.’ One of the compelling reasons behind the lost votes was migration-based disenfranchisement. 

India has the largest migrant population with over 40 crore individuals. Indian internal migrants and international migrants aged over 18 years are both eligible to vote under the ‘General Elector’ and ‘Overseas Elector’ category respectively. Yet, for individuals who are seasonal or temporary migrants oscillating between cities for work, enrolling at a new destination, time and time again, may not seem most ideal. However, registering in a new constituency after changing residences is bound to save your time and resources as it will spare you the travel costs of having to go back to your hometown or old registered constituency to vote. The process is fairly straightforward provided you have the required documents. 

For any elector, a voter ID is pivotal in the voting process as it is issued by the Election Commission of India (ECI) with a ten-digit EPIC number to identify electors in the list. You can apply for a voter ID anytime during the year either by visiting your local electoral office or by logging in to the Voter’s Service Portal crafted by the Election Commission of India to bring forth the digital convenience to your doorstep. To apply for a Voter ID, you need to:

1. Complete your application on Form 6 if you are a general voter or Form 6A if you are a NRI (Non-Residential India).
2. Upload relevant, scanned documents for proof of age, address and identity.

You can submit and track your application status on the Voter Portal or the Voter Helpline App that is available on both Android and iOS. A BLO (Booth Level Officer) will be assigned to approve your application. It is important to remember that you can only be registered in the electoral roll of one constituency at a time that is relevant to your current address. If you have an existing voter ID but need to apply for updations, use the following forms:

• Form 8: To update details regarding shifting residences/ correction of entries in existing electoral roll/ replacement of EPIC/ update status to PwD (Person with Disability)
• Form 8A: To switch constituencies.
• Form 7: Deletion of the name of a shifted / dead / absentee elector from the electoral roll and deletion of duplicate entry

If you need a completely new ID, go ahead and fill Form 6!

If you are a student residing at hostels provided by educational institutions or elsewhere away from home, you have the option to get yourself registered as an elector at your native place with your parents’ or at the current address of your university where you are resident for the time being. According to the ECI norms, the course pursued by you should be recognized by Central / State Governments / Boards / Universities / Deemed Universities and such courses should be of not less than 1 year's duration.  If you want to enrol yourself at the university’s current location, you will have to attach a bonafide certificate (as per the specimen at Annexure II of Guidelines attached to Form 6) from the Headmaster / Principal / Director / Registrar / Dean of your educational institution with Form 6.

Apart from these facilities, the ECI has made substantial efforts to improve the technical landscape of voting. Special arrangements for migrant voters from Jammu and Kashmir to vote via postal ballots or special polling booths set up in Delhi, Udhampur and Jammu according to a notification issued by the ECI. It must be noted that there is no central database on migration in the country, but available data suggests education, marriage and work as prominent reasons for domestic migrations. The ECI had developed a prototype Multi-Constituency Remote Electronic Voting Machine (RVM) which could potentially handle multiple constituencies upto 72 from a single remote polling booth. On January 16th, 2023, the Commission demonstrated the RVM to representatives of political parties. Although there is no notification on its implementation for the 2024 Lok Sabha polls, the proposed RVM system could enable domestic migrants to cast votes from remote locations in the future and tackle the issue of migrant dis-enfranchisement.

Nonetheless, the existing facilities to enrol as a voter or update your enrollment details are fairly simple and accessible. In the constant whirlpools of demands presented by everyday life, selecting the furniture for your new house or adapting to the flavours of the hostel food may just be one of the many challenges that put you to trial in a new city. We are here to remind you that the Voter ID is just as much a priority and the ballots await your vote!

More than 80 countries are anticipating a future decided by polls and ballots in local, regional, legislative and presidential levels where India happens to be one among them this year in 2024. With over 96.8 crore eligible voters, the Indian fate is sealed in the thumbprints on polling machines. These eligible voters of the Indian nation constitute 10% of the world’s Population and are vested with the power to elect or reelect the leadership that will steer the nation forward. 

The 2024 elections, second longest poll in parliamentarian history since October 1951-February 1952, can be a leap of faith for all voters hoping to make their vote count. As per the Election Commission of India (ECI), the seven phased election over April and May is an attempt to take “democracy to every corner of the country.” With 55 lakh electronic voting machines and 10.5 lakh million polling stations, the ECI has deployed 1.5 crore polling officials who will reach nooks of India from the Himalayas clothed in snow to a few islands on the Indian Ocean.

The BJP (Bharatiya Janata Party) led by PM Narendra Modi swayed the Indian political climate ever since its victory in 2014 and burgeoned in the 2019 elections again with an outcome of 303 of the 543 seats. There have been 83 million new voters since the 2014 elections (ECI, 2024). Thus, the Indian elections this year pose avenues for change given the complexities and transformations that have already unravelled in the last five years alone. 

Today, there are various intersections to who the Indian voter is today based on what is at stake. The generational complications of unemployment, education, inflation, farmer suicides, caste discrimination and the divide of wealth distribution are just few among the many facets of voter concerns. While opinion polls foresee BJP’s ascent to power for the third time, the Indian National Developmental Inclusive Alliance or I.N.D.I.A. Bloc, a coalition bloc that has been formed by more than two dozen parties led by the Congress, is BJP’s rival.

With the millions of election workers who plan to tackle glaciers, deserts, oceans, mountains and jungles to record the voice of every eligible ballot, the act of voting has evolved to be the crucial citizen responsibility today in order to empower ourselves. Voters are also equipped with the mechanism of NOTA (None of the Above) option as their right to reject a party. Additionally, federal forces are expected to be deployed across India to prevent violence and rigging at the polling booths to ensure a fair voting process.

The electoral population of India is four times more than the US which is heading towards the Presidential elections in November this year. Britain is also heading towards the polls with the tussle between the Conservative party and the Labour Party. Pakistan has already established the new face of power, PM Shebaz Sharif after Imran Khan was ousted in a no-confidence vote. Vladimir Putin claimed a landslide victory in Russia this March and has been re-elected for a fifth term. 

The current geopolitical tensions include the Russia and Ukraine war, the Israel-Palestine War, the Indian border conflicts, the territorial disputes in the South China sea, the conflicts in Syria, the humanitarian crisis in North Korea which are among the few concerns whose impact extends to other countries beyond their own borders.

Therefore, the Indian Elections constitute a part of the larger global order, and the strokes of the Indian voter will paint the portrait of the future. It is the commonplace cliche formula to advocate for voter rights with the statement “Every vote counts!” but it is ever-so important to remember that every informed vote matters. To approach the reality of national and international affairs with an open mind, and gaze deep into our basic collective responsibility of voting is the bare minimum in our walk towards change. The health of democracy relies on the informed mind among other things, and we are all equipped with the healing power of knowledge and political literacy to nurse democracy to prosperity in this leap of faith towards change.

The antidote to voter apathy is voter education. Join Namaste Democracy today to partake in our mission to make political literacy accessible and widespread through our vibrant India.  To enrol as a voter or learn more about the 2024 Indian elections, check out eci.gov.in.